History of Social Psychology Essay Essays

History of Social Psychology Essay Essays History of Social Psychology Essay Essay History of Social Psychology Essay Essay As a scientific subject. societal psychological science is merely a spot older than one hundred old ages. with most of the growing happening during the past five decennaries ( McGarty A ; Haslam. 1997 ) . By most criterions. societal psychological science is a comparatively immature scientific discipline. In discoursing the discipline’s history. it should be noted that there are two societal psychological sciences. one in psychological science and the other in sociology. with the larger of the two being the psychological subdivision ( Jones. 1998 ) . The cardinal focal point of psychological societal psychological science is how the single responds to societal stimulations. whereas sociological societal psychological science focal points on larger group or social variables. such as people’s socioeconomic position. their societal functions. and cultural norms ( Stryker. 1997 ) . Although there have been calls to unify the two societal psychological sciences into a individual field ( Backman. 1983 ) -- and even a joint psychology-sociology doctorial plan at the University of Michigan from 1946 to 1967–their different orientations make it doubtful that this will transpirate in the foreseeable hereafter. In this historical overview. the psychological subdivision of th e subject will be highlighted. Wundt and The Dawning of a Scientific Discipline: 1862-1894 German psychologist Wilhelm Wundt ( 1832-1921 ) . who is widely regarded as the laminitis of psychological science. had a manus in the early development of what would go societal psychological science. In 1862. Wundt proposed that there should be two subdivisions of psychological science: physiological psychological science and societal or folk psychological science ( Volkerpsychologie ) . Largely due to his influential Hagiographas. by 1900 Germany’s one-year bibliography of the psychological literature listed over 200 articles per twelvemonth under the heading â€Å"social psychological science. † Despite his influence in determining societal psychological science in Europe. Wundt’s thoughts had small impact on American societal scientists because his Hagiographas were non translated into English and his construct of psychological science as the â€Å"science of the mind† was incompatible with the new behaviourist position in the United States that emerg ed during the early old ages of the twentieth century. Underliing behaviourism was a doctrine known as logical positivism. which contended that cognition should be expressed in footings that could be verified through empirical observation or through direct observation. This new â€Å"science of behavior† had small usage for Wundt’s construct of societal psychological science. This was particularly true for the societal psychological science developing in psychological science in America. but less so for sociological societal psychological science. Thus. psychological societal psychological science in America. which would go the rational nucleus of the subject. developed mostly outside the kingdom of Wundtian influence. The Early Old ages: 1895–1935 An American psychologist at Indiana University. Norman Triplett. is by and large credited with holding conducted the first empirical societal psychological survey. In 1895 Triplett asked the undermentioned inquiry: â€Å"How does a person’s public presentation of a undertaking alteration when other people are present? † The inquiry was prompted by Triplett detecting that a bike racer’s velocity was faster when he was paced by other bicyclers than when he raced entirely. Bing a racing partisan and wanting to larn what caused these different race times. he devised the first societal scientific experiment. In this survey. he asked kids to rapidly weave line on a fishing reel either entirely or in the presence of other kids executing the same undertaking. As he had predicted. the kids wound the line faster when in the presence of other kids. Published in 1897. this survey is credited with presenting the experimental method into the societal scientific disciplines. Despite the significance of this survey. it took a full coevals for research workers to understand the societal psychological kineticss underlying Triplett’s findings ( see the chapter 10 treatment of societal facilitation ) . Despite this achievement. Triplett did nil to set up societal psychological science as a distinguishable subfield of psychological science. Recognition for this accomplishment goes to the first writers of text editions bearing that rubric. viz. . English psychologist William McDougall and American sociologist Edward Ross. who each published separate texts in 1908. Consistent with the modern-day position in psychological societal psychological science. McDougall considered the person to be the chief unit of analysis in this new scientific discipline. while Ross. true to the modern-day sociological societal psychological science position. highlighted groups. Despite the startup of this new subfield within psychological science and sociology. societal psychological science still lacked a distinguishable individuality. How was it different from the other subdisciplines within the two larger subjects? What were its methods of enquiry? In 1924 a 3rd societal psychological science text. published by Floyd Allport ( older brother of Gordon Allport ) . went a long manner in replying these inquiries for psychological societal psychological science. Reading his words today. you can see the emerging position that would one twenty-four hours pervade the psychological subdivision of the field: I believe that merely within the single can we happen the behavior mechanisms and consciousness which are cardinal in the interactions between individuals†¦ . There is no psychological science of groups which is non basically and wholly a psychological science of individuals†¦ . Psychology in all its subdivisions is a scientific discipline of the person. ( Allport. 1924. p. 4 ) Allport’s construct of societal psychological science was proposed eleven old ages after John Watson ushered in the behaviourist epoch in American psychological science. Allport’s trade name of societal psychological science emphasized how the individual responds to stimuli in the societal environment. with the group simply being one of many such stimulations. Beyond this emerging individualist and behaviourist cast. Allport further shaped the individuality of American societal psychological science by lauding the virtuousnesss of the experimental method in analyzing such subjects as conformance. gestural communicating. and societal facilitation. The chase of societal psychological cognition through carefully controlled experimental processs would progressively qualify the field in the coming old ages. As Allport’s construct of societal psychological science gained American disciples. German societal psychological science was being shaped by the Gestalt position. which rejected both the bing European-inspired impression of a group head and the American individualist stand that groups were non existent in themselves. Alternatively. Gestalt societal psychologists contended that the societal environment is made up non merely of persons. but of dealingss between persons. and these relationships have of import psychological deductions. Therefore. Gestalt societal psychologists promoted an apprehension of groups as existent societal entities. which straight led to the tradition of group procedures and group kineticss that still exists today. These two schools of idea within psychological societal psychological science. one in America and the other in Germany. which were developing independent of one another. would shortly be thrust together due to events on the universe scene. The Coming of Age: 1936–1945 During the first three decennaries of the 20th century. Allport’s construct of societal psychological science emphasized basic research. with small consideration given to turn toing specific societal jobs or broader issues bearing on reform. However. by the mid-1930s. the subject was poised for farther growing and enlargement. The events that had the greatest impact on societal psychological science at this critical occasion in its history were the Great Depression in the United States and the societal and political turbulences in Europe generated by the First and Second World Wars. Following the stock market clang of 1929. many immature psychologists were unable to happen or keep occupations. Experiencing firsthand the impact of social forces. many of them adopted the broad ideals of the Roosevelt â€Å"New Dealers† or the more extremist leftist political positions of the socialist and communist parties. In 1936 these societal scientists formed an organisation dedicated to the scientific survey of of import societal issues and the support for progressive societal action ( Stagner. 1986 ) . This organisation. known as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues ( SPSSI ) . contained many societal psychologists who were interested in using their newly developed theories and political activism to real-world jobs. One of the of import parts of SPSSI to societal psychological science was. and continues to be. the extract of moralss and values into the treatment of societal life. Its immediate impact on societal psychological science in the 1930s was to inculcate a more applied character to research. New countries of research spawned during this decennary were intergroup dealingss. leading. propaganda. organisational behaviour. voting behaviour. and consumer behaviour. In other states. universe events triggered alterations that farther distinguished American societal psychological science from its scientific cousins abroad. For illustration. the communist revolution in Russia at the terminal of the First World War led to a purge of individualist-oriented research and theorizing. a development that stood in blunt contrast to the increasing focal point on the person within American societal psychological science. In 1936. the Soviet Union’s Communist Party forbids the usage of psychological trials in assorted applied scenes. which efficaciously prohibited the survey of single differences. At the same clip. the rise of fascism in Germany. Spain. and Italy created a strong philistine and anti-semitic ambiance in these states. To get away this persecution. a figure of Europe’s taking societal scientists. such as Fritz Heider. Gustav Ichheiser. Kurt Lewin. and Theodor Adorno. immigrated to America. When the United States entered the war. many societal psychologists- both American and European- applied their cognition of human behaviour in a broad assortment of wartime plans. including the choice of officers for the Office of Strategic Services ( the precursor of the Central Intelligence Agency ) and the undermining of enemy morale ( Hoffman. 1992 ) . The constructive work ensuing from this coaction demonstrated the practical utility of societal psychological science. During this clip of planetary discord. one of the most influential societal psychologists was Kurt Lewin. a Judaic refugee from Nazi Germany. Lewin was instrumental in establishing SPSSI and served as its president in 1941. He steadfastly believed that societal psychological science did non hold to do a pick between being either a pure scientific discipline or an applied scientific discipline. His oft-repeated axiom. â€Å"No research without action. and no action without research† continues to act upon societal psychologists interested in using their cognition to current societal jobs ( Ash. 1992 ) . By the clip of his decease in 1947 at the age of 57. Lewin had provided many of societal psychology’s specifying features ( Lewin. 1936 ; Lewin et Al. . 1939 ) . With the terminal of the war. chances were bright for societal psychological science in North America. Based on their heightened stature in the scientific community. societal psychologists established new research installations. secured authorities grants. and. most of import. trained graduate pupils. These future societal psychologists were preponderantly white. male. and in-between category. Many of their wise mans were the European bookmans who had fled their native states and so remained in America following the war. Yet. while societal psychological science was booming in this state. the annihilating effects of the universe war virtually destroyed the subject overseas. In this postwar period. the United States emerged as the undisputed universe power. and merely as it exported its material goods to other states. it exported its societal psychological science every bit good. This trade name of societal psychological science reflected the political political orientation of America n society and the societal jobs encountered within its boundaries ( Farr. 1996 ) . Rapid Expansion: 1946–1969 With its extract of European intellectuals and the late trained immature American societal psychologists. the maturating scientific discipline of societal psychological science expanded its theoretical and research base. To understand how a civilised society like Germany could fall under the influence of a pitiless rabble-rouser like Adolf Hitler. Theodor Adorno and his co-workers ( Adorno et al. . 1950 ) studied the psychological parametric quantities of the autocratic personality. Some old ages subsequently. Stanley Milgram ( 1963 ) extended this line of research in his now celebrated obeisance experiments. which examined the conditions that make people more likely to obey destructive authorization figures. Social psychologists besides focused their attending on the influence that the group had on the person ( Asch. 1956 ) and of the power of persuasive communicating ( Hovland et al. . 1949 ) . Arguably the most important line of research and speculating during this period was Leon Festinger’s theory of cognitive disagreement ( Festinger. 1957 ) . This theory asserted that people’s ideas and actions were motivated by a desire to keep cognitive consistence. The simpleness of the theory and its frequently surprising findings generated involvement and enthusiasm both inside and outside of societal psychological science for many old ages. Social psychology’s concern with social bias continued to asseverate itself during the fiftiess. For illustration. the 1954 U. S. Supreme Court determination to stop the pattern of racially segregated instruction was partially based on Kenneth Clark and Mamie Phipps Clark’s research bespeaking that segregation negatively affected the self-concept of Black kids. In that same twelvemonth. Gordon Allport ( brother of Floyd Allport ) provided a theoretical lineation for how integration might cut down racial bias. What came to be known as the contact hypothesis was a societal psychological design for cut downing ill will between groups by pull stringsing situational variables. This perspective toward understanding and â€Å"fixing† bias better fit the behaviourist societal psychological science practiced in America than the earlier developed autocratic personality attack. The decennary of the sixtiess was a clip of convulsion in the United States. with the state caught in the clasp of political blackwashs. urban force. societal protests. and the Vietnam War. Peoples were seeking for constructive ways to alter society for the better. Following this lead. societal psychologists devoted more research clip to such subjects as aggression. assisting. attractive force. and love. The groundbreaking research of Elaine Hatfield and Ellen Berscheid ( Berscheid A ; Hatfield. 1969 ; Hatfield et Al. . 1966 ) on interpersonal and romantic attractive force. for illustration. was non merely of import in widening the range of societal psychological enquiry. but it besides generated considerable contention outside the field. A figure of public functionaries and ordinary citizens thought societal scientists should non seek to understand the enigmas of love affair. Less controversial was the bystander intercession research conducted by Bibb Latane and John Darley ( 1968 ) . which was inspired by the 1984 slaying of Kitty Genovese in New York City. Despite the chariness of some. during the 1960s the federal authorities expanded its efforts to bring around social ailments with the counsel of societal scientists. Within this cultural context. the figure of societal psychologists rose dramatically. Among these new societal scientists were an increasing figure of adult females and. to a lesser grade. minority members. Whole new lines of enquiry into societal behaviour commenced. with an increasing involvement in the interaction of the societal state of affairs with personality factors. The battalion and diverseness of these lines of research would go on into the undermentioned decennaries ( Pion et al. . 1996 ) . Crisis and Reassesesment: 1970–1984 When societal psychological science foremost emerged from World War II and embarked on its rapid enlargement. one of the innovators in the field. Theodore Newcomb ( 1951 ) . expressed concern that outlooks were greater than anything that could be delivered in the close hereafter. By the seventiess. when solutions to societal jobs were no closer to being solved. and as the utility and moralss of experimental research came under increased examination. a â€Å"crisis of confidence† emerged ( Elms. 1975 ) . When this letdown and unfavorable judgment was followed by accusals from adult females and minorities that past research and theory reflected the prejudices of a white. male-dominated position of world. many began to reevaluate the field’s basic premises. Fortunately. out of this crisis emerged a more critical and inclusive field of societal psychological science. More strict ethical criterions were established. and although experiments remained the method of pick. research workers began carry oning more correlational surveies. every bit good as using other methods. Sing accusals of racial and gender prejudice. societal psychological science began traveling toward more responsible places. but such prejudices have yet to be eliminated from the subject ( Graham. 1992 ; Tesser A ; Bau. 2002 ) . Another of import development during this clip period was the importation of thoughts from cognitive psychological science in explicating societal behaviour. This â€Å"cognitive revolution† ( see p. 00 ) greatly enhanced theory and research in all countries of societal psychological science. and its impact persists today. Attach toing the societal cognitive accent was renewed involvement in the construct of the ego. which antecedently had been the focal point of merely sociological societal psychologists. However. with the declining influence of behaviourism. psychological societal psychologists rediscovered the penetrations of establishing societal scientists such as William James. John Dewey. Charles Horton Cooley. and George Herbert Mead. Soon the ego became a cardinal construct within psychological societal psychological science. An Expanding Global and Interdisciplinary View of Social Psychology: 1985–present By the seventiess. both European and Latin American societal psychological associations had been founded. and in 1995. the Asian Association of Social Psychology was formed. The societal psychological science that developed overseas placed more accent on intergroup and social variables in explicating societal behaviour than did its American cousin. In the mid-1980s. this abroad influence began to reshape the subject. as societal psychologists throughout the universe actively exchanged thoughts and collaborated on transnational surveies ( Fiske et al. . 1998 ; Vala et Al. . 1996 ) . Many of the new thoughts about societal behaviour were generated by bookmans from collectivized civilizations who were raised within societies that have a really different position on the relationship between the person and the group than that within the societies of traditional societal psychologists. Subsequent cross-cultural research found that certain societal beliefs and behaviours that were antecedently considered cosmopolitan were in actuality particular to the socialisation patterns of individualist civilizations. Based on these findings. considerable research attending was devoted to finding which facets of human behaviour are civilization specific–due to conditions bing within a peculiar culture–and which 1s are due to human’s shared evolutionary heritage. Although societal psychology’s â€Å"professional centre of gravity† still resides in the United States. European and Third World societal psychological science offers the full field chances to get away what some consider the restrictions of this â€Å"gravitational pull† to comprehend new universes of societal world ( Shinha. 2003 ; Tam et Al. . 2003 ) . This multicultural position will go on to steer research in the coming old ages. Contemporary societal psychologists have besides continued the bequest of Kurt Lewin and SPSSI by using their cognition to a broad sphere of mundane life. such as jurisprudence. wellness. instruction. political relations. athleticss. and concern ( Ellsworth A ; Mauro. 1998 ; Kinder. 1998 ; Salovey et Al. . 1998 ) . This involvement in using the rules and findings of societal psychological science is a natural branch of the hunt for apprehension. Despite the laterality of societal knowledge in the 1980s. some societal psychologists raised concerns about the comparative deficiency of focal point on emotions and motivations in explicating societal thought. These critics of bing societal cognitive theories argued that to believe of motivations and affect as simply end merchandises in a cardinal processing system was to dehumanise societal psychological science. In the early 1990s. a figure of societal psychologists sought to set up a more balanced position by intermixing the traditional hot and cold positions into what some have termed the Warm Look. These revised social-cognitive theories proposed that people employ multiple cognitive schemes based on their current ends. motivations. and demands. Theorists typically developed dual-process theoretical accounts. intending that societal thought and behaviour is determined by two different ways of apprehension and reacting to societal stimulations. One manner of information processing- related to the cold position legacy–is based on effortful. brooding thought. in which no action is taken until its possible effects are decently weighed and evaluated. The alternate manner of treating information–related to the hot position legacy- is based on minimum cognitive attempt. in which behaviour is impetuously and accidentally activated by emotions. wonts. or biological thrusts. frequently below the â€Å"radar† of consciousness. Which of the two avenues of information processing people take at any given clip is the topic of ongoing research. This attending to both expressed and inexplicit knowledge has late prompted societal psychologists to research how nervous activity in the encephalon is associated with assorted societal psychological procedures. including self-awareness. self-regulation. attitude formation and alteration. group interaction. and bias. Although the Numberss of societal psychologists who pursue such research is still comparatively little. the cognition they get refering the biological science of societal behaviour will doubtless play a function in reshaping bing theories. Indeed. the U. S. federal government’s National Institute of Mental Health- which has an one-year budget of 1. 3 billion dollars–has late given precedence to research grants that combine societal psychological science and neuroscience. In reasoning this historical overview. if the life of a scientific subject is correspondent to a person’s life. so modern-day societal psychological science is best idea of as a â€Å"young adult† in the societal scientific disciplines. Compared with some of the more constituted scientific disciplines. societal psychological science is â€Å"barely dry behind the ears† and still capable to turning strivings ( Abrams A ; Hogg. 2004 ; Brewer. 2004 ; Rozin. 2001 ) . Yet it is a subject where new and advanced thoughts are remarkably welcome. where new theoretical attacks and scientific methods from other scientific subjects are on a regular basis incorporated into the survey of societal thought and behaviour. and where members of the subject regularly inquiry the societal significance of their findings. In this on-going critical self-assessment. most societal psychologists are confident that their still-young scientific discipline will go on uncovering of import pen etrations into how we function as societal animals. Some of the mileposts of the field are listed in table 1. Table 1Some Milestones in the Field of Social Psychology The Dawning of a New Discipline and Early Old ages 1862: Wilhelm Wundt proposes that psychological science set up human or societal scientific disciplines ( Geisteswissenschaften ) to analyze the higher mental procedures affecting linguistic communication. societal patterns and imposts. faith. and art. 1897: Norman Triplett publishes the first scientific survey of societal behaviour. on a subject that was subsequently called societal facilitation. 1900: Wundt publishes the first volume of what would go a authoritative 10-volume set of Volkerpsychologie ( common people or societal psychological science ) which analyzed a broad assortment of societal idea and behaviour. 1908: Psychologist William McDougall and sociologist Edward Ross individually publish societal psychological science text editions. 1920: Willy Hellpach founds the first Institute for Social Psychology inGermany. Hitler’s rise to power leads to the institute’s death in 1933. 1924: Floyd Allport publishes the 3rd societal psychological science text. clearly placing the focal point for the psychological subdivision of the subject and covering many subjects that are still studied today. 1925: Edward Bogardus develops the societal distance graduated table to mensurate attitudes toward cultural groups. Shortly. Louis Thurstone ( 1928 ) and Rensis Likert ( 1932 ) further beforehand attitude graduated table development. 1934: George Herbert Mead’s book Mind. Self. and Society is published. emphasizing the interaction between the ego and others. The Coming-of-Age Old ages 1936: The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues is founded. Muzafir Sherif publishes The Psychology of Social Norms. depicting research on norm formation. 1939: John Dollard and his co-workers introduce the frustration-aggression hypothesis. 1941–1945: Social psychologists are recruited by the U. S. authorities for the war attempt. Rapid Expansion Old ages 1949: Carl Hovland and his co-workers print their first experiments on attitude alteration and persuasion. 1950: Theodor Adorno and his co-workers print The Authoritarian Personality. which examines how utmost bias can be shaped by personality struggles in childhood. 1951: Solomon Asch demonstrates conformance to false bulk judgements. 1954: Gordon Allport publishes The Nature of Prejudice. which provides the model for much of the future research on bias. Social psychologists provide cardinal testimony in the U. S. Supreme Court integration instance. Brown v. Board of Education. 1957: Leon Festinger publishes A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. stressing the demand for consistence between knowledge and behaviour. 1958: Fritz Heider publishes The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations. puting the basis for ascription theory. 1963: Stanley Milgram publishes his obeisance research. showing under what conditions people are likely to obey destructive authorization figures. 1965: The Society of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Edward Jones and Kenneth Davis print their thoughts on societal perceptual experience. exciting ascription and societal knowledge research. Rapid Expansion Old ages 1966: The European Association of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Elaine ( Walster ) Hatfield and her co-workers print the first surveies of romantic attractive force. 1968: John Darley and Bibb Latane present the bystander intercession theoretical account. explicating why people frequently do non assist in exigencies. Crisis and Reassessment Old ages 1972: Attribution: Perceiving the Causes of Behavior. written by six influential ascription theoreticians. is published. Robert Wicklund and Shelley Duval publish Objective Self-Awareness Theory. depicting how self-awareness influences knowledge and behaviour. 1974: The Society for Personality and Social Psychology ( SPSP ) is founded. Sandra Bem develops the Bem Sex Role Inventory and Janet Spence and Robert Helmreich develop the Personal Attributes Questionnaire. both of which step gender functions. 1981: Alice Eagly and her co-workers begin carry oning meta-analyses of gender comparings in societal behaviour. reopening the argument on gender differences. 1984: Susan Fiske and Shelly Taylor publish Social Cognition. sum uping theory and research on the societal cognitive position in societal psychological science. The Expanding Global and Interdisciplinary View Years 1986: Richard Petty and John Cacioppo publish Communication and Persuasion: Central and Peripheral Routes. depicting a dual-process theoretical account of persuasion. 1989: Jennifer Crocker and Brenda Major print their Psychological Review article on â€Å"Social Stigma and Self-Esteem. † analyzing how people respond to being the marks of favoritism. 1991: Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama print their Psychological Review article on how civilization shapes the ego. 1995: Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson publish â€Å"Stereotype Menace and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans† in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. showing their research on how negative stereotypes can determine rational individuality and public presentation. 1996: David Buss and Neal Malamuth publish Sex. Power. Conflict. an emended text offering evolutionary and feminist positions on sex and gender interactions. A turning figure of societal psychologists attempt to incorporate these antecedently divergent positions. ( Because the transition of clip finally determines what events significantly shape a field. I will wait a few old ages before adding any more mileposts to this list. )

French Words Nouveau vs. Neuf

French Words Nouveau vs. Neuf English speakers sometimes find it difficult to translate new into French, due to confusion over the French words nouveau and neuf. In fact, the French adjectives have distinctly different meanings; the problem is actually caused by the fact that the English new has more than one meaning. Fortunately, this is an easy problem to remedy. Read over this lesson, learn the difference between nouveau and neuf, and you wont have any more trouble saying new in French. Nouveau Nouveau means new in the sense of new to the owner - a change or improvement; that is, something that is new because its different than what came before, regardless of whether it is brand new from the store. The opposite of nouveau is ancien (former).As-tu vu ma nouvelle voiture ?Have you seen my new car?(The car is not necessarily new out of the factory; new here means new to the speaker.)Il a mis une nouvelle chemise.He put a new shirt on.(He took off the shirt he was wearing and put a different one on in its place. The new shirt may or may not be new from the store; the important thing here is that it is different.)Cest nouveau.Its new.(I just bought/found/made it.)Nous avons un nouvel appartement.We have a new apartment.(We just moved.)Jai vu le nouveau pont.I saw the new bridge.(The replacement for the one that got washed out.) Nouveau precedes the noun it modifies and changes to agree in gender and number with it.nouveau - nouvelle - nouveaux - nouvellesNouveau has a special form for masculine nouns that begin with a vowel: nouvel. Note that une nouvelle is a piece of news and les nouvelles refer to the news in general. Neuf Neuf means new in the sense of brand new, fresh out of the factory, first of its kind. The opposite of neuf is vieux (old).Je nai jamais achetà © une voiture neuve.Ive never bought a new car.(I always buy used cars.)Il a achetà © une chemise neuve.He bought a new shirt.(He went to the store and bought a brand-new shirt.)Comme neuf.As good as new.(Its fixed, so now its just like new.)Nous avons un appartement neuf.We have a new apartment.(We live in a brand-new building.)Jai vu le Pont neuf.I saw the Pont neuf (in Paris).(Although this is the oldest bridge in Paris, at the time it was built and named, it was a brand-new bridge in a brand-new spot.) Neuf follows the noun it modifies and changes to agree in gender and number with it:neuf - neuve - neufs - neuves Remember that neuf is also the number nine:Jai neuf cousins - I have nine cousins. Nouveau vs Neuf In summary, nouveau means something has changed, while neuf indicates that something is newly-made. With this new knowledge, you shouldnt have any more trouble deciding whether to use neuf or nouveau.